順天堂グローバル教養論集第一巻20160325
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10Juntendo Journal of Global Studies, Vol. 1, (2016)tive terms (foreign people and places are seen as something to resist and denigrate). Regardless, such thinking involves seeing things in absolute terms, namely, as how things are, or as the facts on the ground in a foreign place. There is little relativistic thinking at this stage, and if negative judgments are reinforced through bad experiences, prejudicial atti-tudes may be entrenched.i-2: Experimenting As learners accumulate linguaculture knowledge, a new pattern of cognition and experience emerges. They start to make connections through a process of cognitive mapping—they start to feel they can ex-periment in the foreign linguaculture. At this level, learners combine knowledge in new ways, as when making sentences using vocabulary words together with sentence patterns. Their learning incorporates more structural elements of language, such as verb tenses or sentence structures. The learner begins producing language on her own. Still, patterns have not yet been mastered and integrated into a larger whole. Learners often consciously construct a sen-tence in their head—their attention is often taken up by a focus on linguistic form, rather than communi-cation for its own sake. As learners gain foreign cultural experience, they also begin to relate to cultural patterns in more so-phisticated ways. Whereas encountering focuses on cultural information and facts, experimenting is more contextualized and situational. Learners start to think of foreign cultures in terms of rules—dos and don’ts, etiquette, social expectations, and so on. They assume that there is a “right way’’ to do things in foreign places, and that foreign people act as they do as a direct result of their foreignness, e.g., “Japa-nese bow because they are respectful.’’ This repre-sents a level of complexity above simple factual thinking. It recognizes that there are reasons for people’s behavior and attempts to make sense of foreign patterns. Yet this type of thinking can also lead to overly broad generalizations or stereotypes, such as “Americans are friendly because America is a land of immigrants.’’ Such reasoning is not neces-sarily wrong, per se; rather, it is limited because it does not incorporate the complexity of cultural com-munities. Foreign behavior is viewed in rather su-percial terms, as though people’s actions can be understood by learning what is causing them. At both the i-1 and i-2 level, learners feel that they are objectively judging foreign behavior, yet may in fact be projecting their own unconscious cultural judgments—a reection of unconscious eth-nocentrism. At this level of learning, ethnocentrism is a normal—though not necessarily desirable—part of social cognition (Amodio & Mendoza, 2010; Bennett, 1993; Dreu, Greer, Kleef, ShalviMichel, & Handgraaf, 2011). Learners may also believe that behavior can be explained by individual variation, and that cultural difference is thus unimportant—what Bennett refers to as minimization (Bennett, 1993). What they fail to notice is that individuality is most fully expressed in the context of shared community. In an unfamiliar cultural setting, we will have trouble judging whether behavior is a re-sult of individual personality or cultural background. Behavior that appears pushy in one cultural commu-nity may seem normal in another. We have to under-stand what “normal’’ behavior is in order to fully appreciate individual difference. Getting beyond this point requires a quantum leap in understand-ing—learners must see that culture is a complex and evolving system of meaning, and not simply a factor in determining behavior. i-3: Integrating As learners integrate linguistic patterns more fully into their cognitive systems, they reach a point at which they start to use the foreign language more holistically, i.e., as a functioning whole system. No

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